May 9, 2021

Strange Stories UK: Colin Wallace, Kincora and Clockwork Orange part 2.

Strange Stories UK: Colin Wallace, Kincora and Clockwork Orange part 2.

This is part 2 of the podcast, the details being the same as for part 1.

Transcript

So carrying on from part 1 of this podcast:

 

Colin Wallace, living in London and newly married, began looking for a job during the autumn of 1975, he was well qualified for the applications that he made, he was usually successful at the first approach but failed when references were asked for. It seemed that he was being blacklisted for jobs that he was applying for.

Eventually he managed to get the position of Information and Liaison Officer with Arun District Council in West Sussex, he was told at the interview at Littlehampton that he had the job before references were taken up. 

Colin moved to Arundel in November 1976 buying a house on the outskirts of town.

 

Before moving to Arundel, By a complicated process, The Conservative opposition spokesman on Northern Ireland Airey Neave had made contact. Neave was the Conservative MP who persuaded Margaret Thatcher to stand as PM. Neave was on the right of the Tory party and had close links with the security Services.

 

 Neave wanted information from Colin, and they met several times when Colin told him about ‘Clockwork Orange’. It was thought that Colin was pleased to have an influential Tory interested in what he had experienced in NI, and after telling Neave of his problems with the M.o.D, he hoped that Neave would put a good word in for him. (he didn’t). Colin was paid £70 for helping write an article published in the Telegraph newspaper.

 

Neave claimed that Colin had informed him about communist agitators who were stirring up trouble in NI hoping to start a civil war. Neave was trying to spread the word about a worldwide network of socialist subversive organisations trying to undermine democratic countries in the West.

 

In retrospect Colin thought that an element within the Intelligence services had organised the meeting between him and Neave as they wanted the story out about Communist influence of groups in NI, but without involving the Intelligence services. 

If this was true, the Intelligence Services were still making use of Colin knowing that he would tell journalists of projects he was involved with if they asked. Technically both Colin and Neave could have been said to be in breach of the Official secrets act.

 

Airey Neave was killed by a bomb planted by the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) in 1979. Colin said that it was very strange that there were no arrests as the INLA was riddled with moles and everything they did was known about by Special Branch. 

Colin thought that the Security Services knew who carried out the murder but did nothing otherwise other secrets that the security services were involved with may come out such as the bombings in the Republic of Ireland in 1974 and the killing of the Miami Showband in July 1975. If those guilty had been arrested and turned Queens evidence, it would have been embarrassing for the Security Services if it was said that they were informing for the Security Services. It is likely that those involved in killing Neave were ‘taken out’ at a later date (re: shoot to kill policy).

 

The story in the Telegraph led to other stories being uncovered by the press such as army soldiers planting bombs and causing explosions in Co. Armagh ( Armagh although in Northern Ireland, it was pro IRA and known as ‘bandit country’). This was done as part of psychological operations against the IRA. (this story was later published in the Sunday Times 13 March 1977 by David Blundy).

The Military Reconnaissance Force (MRF) had been created to penetrate terrorist networks. This group was made up of SAS trained and often SAS personnel who specialised in covert action. They formed Loyalist and Republican gangs, known as ‘pseudo-gangs’ to infiltrate and subvert their target’s operations.

During the early 1970s, it was said that the actions of the pseudo-gangs contributed to the general murderous lawlessness of NI. Although the gangs were directed from afar by army intelligence, they had a lot of independence. They were responsible for motiveless murders. These pseudo-gangs were mainly Loyalist who terrorised the Catholic population.

One such gang were called the Ulster Freedom Fighters who were made up of ex-convicts who were supposedly controlled by army intelligence. Their job was to spread disinformation and dissension within Loyalist groups and take out a few Catholics for the sake of appearances until the group was outlawed around 1974.

 

Other stories were being put out that the British Army in Ulster has been involved in a ‘dirty tricks’ campaign for the past five years, sometimes targeting politicians they are not supportive of (such as Merlyn Rees’s policies being derailed), as well as the IRA.

 

Colin’s old colleagues in Information Policy and his contacts in MI5 would have suspected that Colin had been feeding information to journalists.

 

MI5 may have thought it may be necessary to discredit Colin Wallace in case he told difficult stories about his work in the future, it would have probably be a wise move for Colin Wallace to keep quiet about what he knew, he must have known how ruthless the Security Services could be.

 

By 1977 Colin Wallace was engrossed in his new job as Information and liaison officer for Arun Council having settling in well. 

Wallace had perhaps unwisely been in contact with Harold Wilson to inform him of Clockwork Orange but left it after not getting a reply. 

Colin did not want any problems and did not want to do anything to embarrass his employers, a Conservative Council.

There was a curious incident during late 1978 when Colin was questioned by police about a Browning automatic pistol that he owned, he had special permission to have the pistol for personal protection when serving in Northern Ireland. He managed to clear up the problem but only because he had kept paperwork from years previously. It was the Intelligence Services seemingly letting him know that he was being constantly watched and always vulnerable to allegations. If Colin had not been so careful to keep paperwork on his firearm, then he would have been in trouble with the law.

 

During 1979 Arun entered a team for a television programme ‘It’s a knock-out’ which Colin was asked to organise. ‘It’s a knock out’ was a rather stupid programme with teams from different places playing ridiculous sports/games, a jolly for those taking part and as Arun Council saw it, good PR to get Arun council noticed. There is an episode on Youtube from that time Arun v Bournemouth v South Wight but be warned it is a rather depressing watch.

 

There was another strange incident; Colin being photographed in his SAS uniform for a publicity photograph, the photograph sessions being commissioned by Kaymar studios for an advertising campaign for British made parachutes. Colin was always happy to help British companies and agreed for photographs to be taken as it was good publicity.

However subsequent enquiries showed that no such company called Kaymar studios existed, it seemed that Colin had been tricked into having his photograph taken in an SAS uniform, he thought nothing of it at the time but there would be consequences.

 

During April 1980, David McKittrick a journalist with the Irish Times planned to come to Sussex to speak with Colin about his time in NI.

 As a result of their meeting, McKittrick published three stories in the Irish Times on the 22,23 & 24 April 1980. In the articles there was the suggestion that MI5 had been plotting against Harold Wilson as he was soft on the IRA. The information was said to come from a ‘high placed source’ (Which was Colin Wallace).

The same source told of how Merlyn Rees wanted more information on people who were being interned; so the information/evidence on those to be detained was just made up by the Intelligence Services.

It would have been quite straight forward for MI5 to discover that McKittrick had got some of his information from Colin Wallace. McKittrick had made two visits to Sussex and stayed at a hotel close to Colin Wallace’s house. MI5 would have been concerned that Colin had been leaking information again. 

Colin later said that he was surprised how much content of the articles came from information supplied by him, as he thought he was just confirming other stories.

 

During the summer of 1980, Colin was involved in Arun council’s preparations for the European ‘It’s a Knockout’ finals. Colin was working closely with his assistant Jane Lewis who had married a Brighton antiques dealer Jonathan Lewis in 1979. Jonathan Lewis Antiques had his premises at North Street, Portslade. The Wallace and Lewis families had become friendly and had gone out together as a group.

 

Colin and Jane had travelled together on a couple of trips staying in hotels and as they explained it, grew extremely fond of each other and the relationship had developed further than mere friendship.

 

There was to be a dinner organised for the workers and organisers of the ‘Summer Magic’ festival in the grounds of the Avisford park Hotel, near Arundel.

 Colin had organised a second dinner the next night (5th August 1980) for Jane Lewis as the chief administrator, there were to be thirteen guest and Colin had tried to keep it a secret from Jane Lewis, he wanted it to be a surprise.

 Jane’s husband had not turned up at the meal as arranged, which finished just after midnight. Jane was worried about her husband thinking it very strange that her husband had not attended the meal, Colin and his wife Eileen accompanied Jane back to her home in Ferndale Walk, Angmering. 

Jonathon Lewis was still missing by the next evening and Jane went with her father in law Colonel Lewis who lived in Worthing, to report him missing at Littlehampton Police station. On the Thursday, the local papers carried a story about his disappearance and his orange Volvo estate was found parked up in Arundel where it had been since the Tuesday night.

 

Jane persuaded Colin to go with her to the police station and tell them about their relationship, while they were there, Jonathan’s body was found in the river Adur near Ford Marina, he was aged 29. 

On the Friday (8th August) It was reported in the local press that the police had ruled out ‘foul play’ it was thought that Jonathan had been ‘spending a penny’ (his trousers fly was unzipped), and had toppled into the river and drowned by accident.

 

On the Sunday evening (10th August) two detectives asked Colin to come to the police station to answer some questions. They told him that they thought that Jonathan had been murdered and Colin was a suspect. 

Colin admitted to the police that he had met with Jonathan in the evening he went missing before the dinner. Jonathan had confronted Colin about having an affair with his wife Jane. This contradicted the first statement that he had given the police. It also seemed strange that Colin had kept back important information on the evening when Jonathan went missing and frantically started to search for him.

Colin said that he wanted to tell Jane after the celebration meal but never actually had the opportunity as it was private between him and Jane but there was a crowd of people around her that evening and they had never a moment to themselves. 

Colin said that the more time moved on, the more he was stuck with the original story. On the Friday when it was said that ‘foul play’ was not suspected, Colin was relieved and claimed that it didn’t really matter if he had seen Jonathan that evening or not so that evening when the police took him off for questioning, he stuck with the original story.

 

By Wednesday 13th August, the police had started a murder investigation and asked the public for witnesses.

One witness that came forward was Amanda Metcalfe who was sure that she had seen Jonathan Lewis with another man at the pub she was working called the Golden Goose near Arundel railway station (The pub belonged to Amanda’s parents). She said that Lewis was a regular visitor to the pub often with a woman in her twenties (that would have been Jane Lewis) but on the 5th August (she was sure of the date), he was with another man and there seemed to be some tension between them. This was at the time that Colin was with others at the Avisford hotel so it could not have been Colin.

 

Strangely the police didn’t seem interested in the Amanda Metcalfe statement, it seemed that they were focussing in on Colin Wallace as the main suspect for Jonathan Lewis’s death and he was arrested on 19th September and the next morning he was remanded at Arundel magistrates court charged with the murder of Jonathan Lewis. He was taken to Lewes prison. Colin stayed on remand until 5th December when he was given bail (very rare in a murder case).

The trial started at Lewes Crown court on 3rd March 1981.

It was alleged that Colin Wallace had planned for several weeks to get rid of Jonathan Lewis because he had fallen in love with his wife Jane Lewis.

Colin had set up the dinner at Avisford Park hotel to provide himself with an alibi. He had secretly arranged to meet with Jonathan before the dinner to play squash, then he had knocked Jonathan out, bundled the body into the boot of the car. With the unconscious body in the boot of the care, he had driven to the Avisford Park hotel to have dinner.

 

At 10:30, he had made an excuse to leave and drove his distinctive ‘It’s a knock out’ car to the bank of the river Arun by going down a track called Gasworks lane.

Colin is said to have thrown an unconscious Jonathan into the river where he drowned. Colin then returned to the dinner as if nothing had happened.

 

The evidence was weak. Colin was not seen by anybody between 6.00, when he arrived at his home, and 8.00 pm when he arrived at the Avisford hotel. It was true that Colin left the meal for about half an hour. The theory being that Colin had effectively murdered Jonathan between 6:00 and 8:00 pm and disposed of the body when he excused himself from the meal.

 

There had been two post-mortems, it was the second that detected injuries caused during a struggle. It seemed that Jonathan had been attacked and fought back. There were suggestions that it was some kind of ‘special death punch’ that had knocked out Jonathan, there was never an accurate time of death given.

During the court case there was a lot of confusing forensic evidence that did not seem to prove anything. Did the body bleed after death? Was there blood found in the boot of Colin’s car? It seems that the body did not bleed and there was blood found in the boot of the car but it seems likely that it was very old blood from one of the workers on the car assembly line, so much time during the trial was spent on such issues that did not seem to prove anything. Very careful searches of both Colin’s house and car had not revealed any incriminating evidence.

The river bank where Jonathan’s body was supposed to have been jettisoned had no evidence, quite the reverse, marks on the bank were said to be someone struggling up the bank rather than falling into the river.

 

Jonathan’s watch and a bunch of his keys were found at the sluice gate at the bottom of Gasworks lane where Jonathan’s body was supposed to have been thrown in the river by Colin. The evidence suggested a fight whereby Jonathan had lost his watch and keys during a struggle although the prosecution was suggesting that Colin was putting an unconscious body of Jonathan into the river Arun. It did not really seem to make any sense unless the evidence had been staged.

 

A witness had come forward, Douglas Hart a steel fixer who lived at Arundel and who was a keen night fisherman. He saw activity at the very place where Jonathan was supposed to have been tipped into the river on the night of his disappearance just after midnight. There was a figure with a torch at the sluice gate, it struck Mr Hart odd that anybody would be there so close to the water’s edge at that time.

It could not have been Colin Wallace who was at the Avisford hotel in front of a number of witnesses.

During that evening the court heard of sightings of a car with ‘It’s a knock out’ livery being seen around Arundel at various times and in various places. What became clear was that there was more than one ‘it’s a knock out’ car being seen as some of the sightings were when Colin was in front of witnesses at the hotel. It was suggested that a ‘joy rider’ had taken one of the similar cars and returned it without it being noticed! Another theory was that a car was painted in the ‘it’s a knock-out’ livery in an attempt to frame Colin Wallace! Needless to say, both theories being highly unlikely. The judge at one point in the tyrial was said to have said that he expected reports of flying saucers to be coming up next in evidence, indicating he was getting tired of blind alleys in the trial.

What was significant was that the car was not seen in the Gasworks lane area or on the banks of the river Arun where the body was supposed to have been tipped into the river.

 

Jane Lewis was a witness on the fourth day of the trial and gave evidence for the prosecution. Jane said that she was in a relationship with Colin, but it was not sexual. She said that she felt guilty about leading Colin on when she did not want a relationship. Colin had not appeared angry, resentful, or even jealous towards Jonathan. The judge seemed to think that there was ‘no tension’ in the relationship, so an unlikely motive for murder.

 

Perhaps the most damaging aspect in the prosecution’s case against Colin was that he had lied to the police in his first statement although the ‘circumstances’ would explain why this was so, (that he did not want to talk about his meeting with Jonathan and the subject they had talked about (his closeness with Jane) in public and in front of his wife Eileen.) I think this is understandable. 

During the trial very little emphasis was given to Amanda Metcalfe’s evidence which was quite convincing, she knew Jonathan Lewis (although not by name) and had seen him with another man in the pub in which she worked, he was with another man. This sighting had come after the time that the prosecution had suggested that Colin had attacked Jonathan and put him in the boot of his car.

 

Another aspect not given much consideration in the trial was that Jonathan Lewis was thought to have business associates that he had fallen out with in the antiques trade.

 A friend of Jonathan had said that Jonathan was frightened to drive in his own car and would ask people for lifts for a period in 1980 when he had broken with an associate.

 

Jane Lewis had originally told police that she thought dealings in the antiques trade had something to do with her husband’s murder.

 

There were also allegations that Jonathan was having affairs with other women, an associate Peter Semus had told the police that Jonathan’s relationship with Jane Lewis was relaxed and he knew of affairs that Jonathan had with other women. 

 

Police had a statement from a witness that said that Jonathan had parked in the swimming pool car park where his Volvo car was found after he went missing. This witness said that he was with a woman in the car, and they would stay there for about half an hour. He had parked in the same place with a woman in the past, always in the same spot in the car park.

 

It does seem that there were secrets in Jonathan Lewis’s life, he was doing things and meeting with people that neither his friends nor business associates knew about. This aspect of his life was not expressed during the trial.

 

During the trial, in March 1981, the prosecution had fifty witnesses, their evidence didn’t seem to prove anything and much of it was contradictory. The Defence asked the judge to stop the trial as it was turning into a farce and the prosecution had no direction. The jury were sent out for a couple of days while the barristers and the judge argued about what should be done. The judge was sympathetic to the Defence’s request but said that the Jury should decide the matter however contradictory the evidence.

 

The judge agreed that the trial was a mess, but instead of abandoning the trial, he decided that the jury should also have the option of a man-slaughter verdict alongside the murder indictment. 

So, the trial continued with the prosecution changing their description from Colin having premeditatedly planned the murder due to his inflamed passion, to a revised description of Colin now striking out at a friend during an argument in the heat of the moment.

 

During the court case, photos appeared in the press of Colin dressed in a SAS uniform with a parachute. The defence strategy up until that time had been not to mention Colin’s military links, the photographs were intended to show Colin as a trained killer and able to knock somebody out with a specialised punch. It seemed that MI5’s tactics of playing a long game were having an effect if it was them that commissioned the photographs.

The photographs were those that had been taken by the Littlehampton photographer commissioned by Kaymer studios to publicise a British made parachute. It was suggested that Kaymer studios which later could not be contacted were set up by MI5 in order to get obtain photographs of Colin in SAS uniform which they could later make us of, possibly in a murder trial. 

 

There was other ‘black propaganda’ being spread about Colin during the trial. Colin’s role in ‘Psychological Operations’ was made known to journalists, who were told that Colin had tried to get rid of a potential lover’s husband in the past, telling the tale of the fabricated story of him leaking Ron Horn’s name to protestant groups in Northern Ireland expecting him to be assassinated. (as explained in part 1) 

Again, this was thought to be the work of the security services fabricating a story to use against Colin in the future as he was refusing to cooperate with MI5 in his work. It seems that their MO was to construct a lot of pieces of evidence that do not seem much in themselves but could possibly be made into something later.

 

The judge Mr Justice Kilner Brown started his summing up on 19th March 1981. He said that there was no forensic evidence against Colin Wallace and there was no direct evidence, all the evidence is circumstantial. There was clearly reasonable doubt. 

 

Nevertheless, Colin Wallace was found guilty of man slaughter and sentenced to ten years in prison. The press reported on the ‘It’s a knock-out murder’.

It was argued that Colin was found guilty because there was no credible alternative for the murder put forward. The police had not searched for anyone else that may have had a grudge against Jonathan Lewis. The general consensus of juries is that without an alternative explanation they are likely to convict on little evidence.

 

It was also suggested that the real target of the killing was Colin Wallace to discredit him. This would have been organised by the Security Services concerned that Colin had been leaking dangerous information. To accept this theory, MI5 would have had to murder a victim to blame on Colin, unless Jonathan had been killed by some other person and the Security forces made use of that. 

 

Such a theory would probably have been too much for a jury to accept but there was evidence that Jonathan had been seen after he was supposed to have been ‘taken out’ by Colin with another man in the Golden Goose pub.

Someone else was driving around a car the same as Colin’s during that evening while Colin was having dinner with thirteen other guests. The place where the body was supposed to have been put in the river was the closest point of access from Colin’s home and it seems that the keys and watched had been left as ‘signposts’ to the place where the body was jettisoned. If Colin had been framed it would have been the work of the ultras in MI5. 

 

Colin went to the Wormwood scrubs prison in London where he would spend his early time in a cell with two other inmates in dreadful conditions but after some months, he was moved to a more tolerable area which housed ‘trusted’ prisoners. Colin had been allowed one visit a month from his wife Eileen and the occasional visit from his solicitor. 

 

Colin appealed his case, but permission was rejected. Colin then petitioned the Home Secretary (Willie Whitelaw) asking for his case to be reviewed, Whitelaw sent it back to the Sussex force to review! (as if they were going to discover they had made mistakes!). 

Wallace said that there were a number of witnesses the police took statements from but had not been considered at his trial. In particular witnesses that had seen an ‘it’s a knock out’ livered car being driven by a woman the day Lewis was murdered. At the trial Colin was said to be the only person to have access to such a car.

 

Colin also asked for an investigation into the unfounded rumours being circulated by those in authority to potential witnesses. For example, it was claimed that a child had disappeared from a nearby picnic spot, kidnapped by Colin Wallace to keep the police busy while he dealt with Lewis. The police now admit that there was no connection with Colin, the child had just wandered away from his parents. There was also allegations that someone had been telling stories to the jury during the case while they were at lunch.

 

Unbeknown to Colin there were developments in the Kincora story. The Irish Independent newspaper finally broke the story on 24 January 1980. The Irish Independent, Ireland biggest selling newspaper at that time said that there was a paedophile sex ring abusing the boys at the home that had been ‘covered up’ despite allegations of abuse being reported from 1977. The report said that local prominent businessmen and staff at the home were the abusers. The newspaper report named those involved.

Other Irish newspapers started to print similar stories with rumours of a paedophile ring, but quickly the RUC arrested McGrath, Semple and Mains the staff members at Kincora Children’s home and this closed the story down, due to the law of contempt of court banning press speculation on pending criminal trials.

Charges were made against the accused and there was no more reporting on Kincora in the press at that time.

McGrath indicated that he would plead not guilty so for a while it seemed that there would be a long trial where all the details would come out.

The end result was that all three (McGrath, Semple and Mains) pleaded guilty on 28 specimen charges, in a trial at Belfast Crown Court on 16th December 1981. They were sentenced between four and six years. It was a puzzle why McGrath being the worst offender got the shortest sentence of four years.

Other people convicted alongside the Kincora staff were paedophiles Peter Bone who worked for the Northern Ireland Education board and was a scout leader. Robert Dewar was a fire safety officer. There was another local authority home (Bawnmore in Newtownabbey) mentioned in the court case which lasted just one day.

There was therefore evidence of a sex ring involving boys in care in Northern Ireland but the very brief court case did not allow other evidence to come out. It seemed that the affair was quickly brushed aside with very short prison sentences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The day after the court case, The Northern Ireland Eastern Health and Social Services Board who had come under a great deal of criticism in the press that day for not acting on the allegations that had been made against the home sooner, set up a committee of inquiry into Kincora, called the McGonagle Committee. 

 

As this was being organised there were more press and television allegations being made. Horrific stories were being told. It seemed that the abuse at Kincora had got much worse after 1975. There were other eight other homes where boys were being abused such as Williamson House and Shore House, but not all of the staff at these houses were paedophiles. It was Kincora house where all the staff were paedophiles. 

It seems that people knew what went on at Kincora, boys at other homes said that if they misbehaved, they would be sent to Kincora. There were stories about suicides by young men from Children’s homes which caused public indignation to reach boiling point. In a response to media coverage the Eastern Health & Social Services Board decided to take action and have a purge of anyone working in any caring roles who was homosexual, in a knee-jerk reaction, ‘they were dismissed! This policy being later overturned by the NI dept of Health and Social Services.

 

The McGonagle committee met for the first and last time on 12th January 1981. On the first day, three of the five members resigned when they learnt that the assurances, they had been given about being able to examine all matters to do with Kincora were false. The committee’s job was to ‘cover up’ the scandal. They were told that police were still investigating some aspects of the case and they were not to be allowed information in these areas.

 

The Secretary of State James Prior was urged by politicians on both sides of the religious divide to set up a full judicial Inquiry with no boundaries to investigation where people would be subpoenaed to give evidence. Anyone giving evidence to such an inquiry would be protected by privilege and would not be prosecuted for the evidence that they gave. There would be no libel protection in such an inquiry. James Prior refused to do this.

 

James Prior possibly worried about what would be exposed, fudged his response saying that the police would continue to investigate while a Chief Constable from another force would be bought in the oversee the investigation. It was hoped that this would brush the nasty affair under the carpet and politicians grew quiet over the fudge to some degree a lot were complicate as they probably had heard rumours about abuse at the homes.  

All except Gerry Fitt of the SDLP who continued to ask difficult questions and bought up the name of Colin Wallace who had exposed the Kincora scandal in 1975 and was ignored. Gerry Fitt asked Parliament if Colin Wallace was going to be asked about what he knew about Kincora?

 

The following day 19th February 1981, The Chief Constable of Sussex George Terry was announced as the person having ‘oversight’ on the Kincora scandal. His assistant was to be Gordon Henderson who was the detective in charge of the manslaughter case against Colin.

 

A couple of RUC detectives came to question Colin in prison, but Colin said that he could not tell them anything as he was bound by the Official Secrets Act, if he was given written authority from the Ministry of Defence, he would tell them his story. Colin perhaps having learnt that it was best to keep quiet given everything that had happened to him.

During April 1981, Colin was moved to Lewes prison. RUC detectives continued to visit Colin, but he would not talk without assurances as he felt with some justification that he possibly was being ‘set up’ once more. Colin was given some assurances, but his solicitor felt that they were limited, and he was advised not to agree to any interview.

 

The George Terry inquiry was completed in 1982, in great haste according to its critics and without having any input from Colin Wallace. 

The report was never published. George Terry gave a press conference on his report during October 1983 saying that at a time of intense terrorist activity which placed a great strain on the police there were priorities more important than historic sex inquiries. 

 

He also said, without giving any evidence, that he was satisfied that there was no substance to allegations that Army Intelligence had knowledge of homosexual abuse at Kincora. So not so much as a ‘cover-up’ more of a ‘I am not prepared to discuss anything’. The general conception today, 37 years later is that the Terry Inquiry was a corrupt cover-up. 

 

The inexplicable conclusion of the Terry inquiry certainly mislead parliament. Terry had failed to inform Parliament that MI5 had refused to allow one of their senior officers (Ian Cameron), who had blocked prior military investigations into Kincora, to be questioned by his investigators.

 

The Northern Ireland Assembly ridiculed the findings of the Terry report. John Cushnahan of the non-sectarian Alliance Party of NI said the most disturbing aspect of the report was the complete dismissal of any possibility that the Military knew of the scandal as it was common knowledge that many of those involved in sexual abuse had been interviewed by British intelligence about Kincora. Cushnahan said the Terry report was misleading and blatantly dishonest. 

 

It was clear that every attempt was being made to sweep the Kincora abuse scandal under the carpet. Colin Wallace had let it be known that he had been willing to give evidence, but he had been refused legal representation when talking with the police and had not been given permission to break the Official Secrets Act.

 

The result of all of this was James Prior, N.I. minister to announce another inquiry into Kincora, not a full Public Inquiry but a limited inquiry, with many restrictions, under Judge Hughes, in effect just another session of kicking the can down the road hoping that the public would get tired of the subject of Kincora and James Prior would no longer be minister for N.I. and it would no longer be his problem. This being what happened.

 

January 1984 saw the Hughes inquiry underway. This committee didn’t even bother to interview any of the three men who worked at the home while abusing children. Ray Garland who had alerted authorities as early as 1972 was not called to give evidence. The committee said that there was no need to interview these people as they had access to their earlier statements to other inquiries!

Ray Garland (McGrath’s deputy at TARA), was happy to give an interview to the Irish Times who were to break a story about six or more intelligence officers had interviewed Garland and others in the early 1970s about paedophile homosexual sex ring and children’s homes in Northern Ireland at that time. None of this had appeared in the Inquiries.

 

Questions had also been asked about McGrath and the TARA organisation.

 

The Irish Times claimed that there were doubts cast upon George Terry’s claims that he had found no evidence of anything untoward going on at Kincora which involved army intelligence, it was said that either, he had not been looking, or he was lying.

 

The Hughes inquiry was to take two years, in the meantime Colin continued to try and appeal his case of manslaughter. 

 

During May 1984 Colin got to hear of Fred Holroyd who had articles published in the New Statesman magazine about Black propaganda and ‘dirty tricks’ in Northern Ireland. Holroyd had been given the chance to publish articles having got to have known the investigative journalist Duncan Campbell at the New Statesman.

Fred also felt that he had been forced out of Army Intelligence because he did not always do as ordered. He had previously briefly meet with Colin in Northern Ireland in 1974 through work.

 

Fred had his reputation damaged when the army classed him as emotionally unstable after tricking him to attend a psychiatric hospital.

Fred became interested in Colin’s case and was slowly convinced that Colin had been framed by the Security Services for manslaughter.

Fred, who was living in poverty, would hitch-hike once a month from Southend on sea, to Lewes once a month as they compared each other’s stories. They both realised that those employed in certain positions in the Security Services were using their position and knowledge to manipulate democratically elected governments.

 

Fred had written a letter to the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher on behalf of Colin ‘in confidence’ telling her of the plots as a result of ‘Clockwork Orange’ and how it has led to him being in jail. The information was sent in a file in the post.

 

The file was returned by Thatcher’s secretary, in effect saying that they were aware of the information and it had been subject to ‘thorough consideration’. 

Colin knew this was not true because he included notes which had been classified information which he had not told to anybody else, but he felt he could tell the Prime Minister as she was head of the Security Services so he was not breaking the official secrets act. However, it seemed that the Prime Minister’s office was not interested and just batting away Colin’s information.

 

Colin had noted that the file that had been returned by the Prime Minister was a copy of what had been sent to her, the original had plastic reinforcing rings affixed to them.

 The Prime Minister’s office lied to the Hughes committee when they claimed that they had sent the file back to Colin as they had sent back a copy and kept the original.

 

Colin was still refusing to assist the Hughes committee as he had not been cleared to speak being still hindered by the official secrets act even after contacting the Prime Minister directly to say that if she cleared him, he would be happy to tell what he knew.

 

The Hughes committee made it known that if Colin did not tell of what he knew they would deem it that he wasn’t prepared to assist the inquiry which seemed to be what the government wanted.

Colin’s solicitor made it clear once again to the committee that he was willing to help if cleared by the Prime Minister’s office who has the file of information that he is prepared to testify to. The solicitor suggested that the committee should just be given the file as held by the Prime Minister’s office.

Eventually, the committee backed down and agreed to pay Colin’s legal fees and he got clearance from the Prime Minister. On 13 December 1985 Colin was visited in prison by a lawyer on behalf of the Hughes inquiry who took his evidence.

 

In January 1986, The Hughes Inquiry was published, a passage in the report seventeen paragraphs long was Colin’s contribution. This being that while serving in the army in Northern Ireland as an Information Officer, he had made nine reports regarding homosexual peadophile reports being carried out at Kincora, he had let the authorities in the RUC know about it in 1974.

 

 At the end of the report there was a suggestion that Colin Wallace’s information was false. It said that Colin Wallace claimed his notes had been written at the time he was working for Information Policy in the 1970s. But the Hughes Inquiry claimed that they were probably forged and written later and as the papers were not authenticated, they have no real value to the inquiry. (The Hughes Inquiry had no evidence, they just made the statement that the papers were forged!)

 

The Hughes report made the claim that they tried to interview Colin Wallace several times and failed (not explaining the reasons Colin would not talk with them).

 

The Hughes Committee were trying to discredit Colin’s evidence and suggest that he was not prepared to help the inquiry. The Prime Minister’s office had sat on the file they had been sent by Colin and not passed it on to the inquiry so it seemed that the government office and the inquiry were doing all they could to ignore Colin’s evidence, it seemed that they were determined that there would be no ‘security services’ or ‘Clockwork Orange’ allegations aired at the inquiry.

 

In truth the Hughes Inquiry was another whitewash, the report did not really comment on the paedophile ring at Kincora other than to say that such a ring wasn’t really exceptional and is part of the symptoms of a general malaise permeating the UK! they seemed to be suggesting that paedophilia was rampant in the UK, it was an extraordinary statement.

 

 

In July 2014,(32 years later), Exaro News reported that Lord Havers, as Attorney General in 1984, limited the terms of reference for the Hughes Inquiry to exclude politicians and other key categories of people from investigation so it was never a serious attempt to uncover the truth. Lord Havers has come up in previous podcasts and was known for his role in previous miscarriages in justice and his backward thinking and for his enthusiasm for ‘cover ups’

 

The Hughes inquiry just came up with social work issues at nine children’s homes, including Kincora, it was desperate to keep clear of controversy. It gave 56 recommendations related to childcare in NI.

 

 

 

During 1986, Colin was granted parole.

 

Colin Wallace’s claims were now being revived in a number of publications (mainly left wing or free thinking). There was a story about Kincora in the magazine The Lobster (still available online), when Colin read it with Fred Holroyd, they sent a critic of it to the magazine.

They were visited by one of the editors of Lobster and Colin and Fred were part authors articles in an issue of Lobster which summarised how Thatcher and Thatcherism grew out of a right-wing network in the UK that had close links to the military-intelligence establishment that carried out a destabilisation campaign against the labour and liberal parties, mainly the Labour party during 1974-76.

There was not a lot of interest in the story until the publication of a book backing up these claims which became a best seller in 1987.

 

The book ‘Spy catcher’ published by former MI5 officer Peter Wright. There was an amusing period whereby the book was banned in the UK but freely available elsewhere, Mr Wright was living in Australia. 

The Guardian newspaper published the outline of Wright’s allegations that a gang of MI5 right wing fanatics (including Wright) had been plotting against the Harold Wilson government in 1974 & 75, so the allegations that had been made by Colin Wallace were now being made by an MI5 agent. (word of warning Spycatcher is a dull read, if it had not been banned, I don’t think it would have become a best seller.)

 

Other developments backed up Colin’s claims when civil servants resigned and telling the press about law breaking within the security services and surveillance on British dissidents by MI5 such as break ins, phone tapping, mail intercepts and other dirty tricks against the left.

 

Colin was now in demand by the press and television in giving his view on ‘dirty tricks’ by the security services as more information began to trickle down from other sources as others broke rank and told their stories.

A man called James Miller contacted Barrie Penrose of the Sunday Times to tell how he was an MI5 agent in the early 1970s and infiltrated the UDA , part of his job being to help organise the Ulster Workers Council strike of 1974 to stop power sharing in N.I.

 

Miller said that he had been forced to leave Ireland when the UDA began to suspect he was a spy, MI5 had bought him back to England and set him up with a house and a small business in North Devon. He gave Penrose the phone number of one of his MI5 ‘minders’.

When Penrose phoned the number, the minder said 

“What’s his problem now, he is never satisfied?”

When Penrose told him that he was a journalist for the Sunday Times, the phone went down. Penrose then received a phone call from an Admiral Higgins who was secretary to the D-Notice committee telling Penrose not to publish Millers whereabouts or the identity of his case officers.

Miller claimed to have had several important missions while in NI, one of which was to infiltrate TARA, he had built up a file on William McGrath and the sexual abuse at Kincora children’s home and submitted a report to MI5 who decided to take no action.

His case officer had told Miller to leave McGrath to them, he believed that McGrath was blackmailed into becoming an MI5 informer so Colin would have been correct in thinking that young boys had been sacrificed so that MI5 could get information on Protestant extremist leaders who McGrath informed upon.

After he left TARA, Miller joined the UDA and rose to the ranks of a UDA Intelligence officer until being suspected of being a spy and had to leave for England in a hurry.

 

Liam Clarke an investigative journalist who had worked in conjunction with Penrose found another member of Army Intelligence who knew about Kincora. A report was published in Sunday World on 10 May 1987 telling of how the officer gave a report on Kincora to Senior Officers but it came back marked ‘No Action’.

The article claimed that McGrath had been an agent for MI6 back in the 1950s when he smuggled bibles into Eastern Europe as a front for intelligence gathering. It appeared that McGrath’s MI6 handler was also convicted homosexual paedophile. 

It was also revealed that John McKeague who was murdered in 1982 after threatening to name other names in the Kincora scandal and who was another homosexual paedophile was also spying for the security services. McKeague was shot by Catholic extremists but it is thought that they were feed information on his movements by the Security forces.

 

Support for Colin Wallace allegations when working for ‘Information Policy’ in the early 1970s were being made by others on an increasing basis. A story came out about how MI5 forged bank accounts to smear Members of Parliament. Ian Paisley and John Hume both had accounts forged; an unnamed MI5 agent when discussing the matter said that he thought that he had come across Paisley’s accounts by normal intelligence gathering not realising that the security forces had forged them and arranged for him to ‘find’ them.

When Paisley was asked about the matter, he said that the bank account smear had been part of a plot to assassinate him, he had been tipped off by an army intelligence officer. 

Paisley told the television programme that he was far more likely to be assassinated by the British Security Forces than by the IRA.

 

There were also questions being asked about the role of Military Intelligence agent Robert Nairac who was murdered by the IRA in 1977 regarding the assassination of IRA men.

So many secrets seemed to be coming out about the Security Services that seemed to back up Colin Wallace’s claims of government dirty tricks. 

 

Fred Holroyd adding spice in newspaper reports suggesting that Mrs Thatcher appears to view the SAS in the manner of a Caesar viewing his Praetorian Guard, her own private army.

There were other stories coming out, telling of psychopaths working for the security services in NI that would kill people for the thrill it gave them during the troubles. The SAS were said to have avenged some murders when the law had not seemed to have done its job properly, staged as accidents or unknown killings.  

 

Clive Ponting appeared on television on a Channel Four news documentary after his court case when there was an attempt to prosecute him for divulging state secrets. Ponting was head of the legal dept of the Ministry of Defence in 1983 when he recalled a meeting about the Colin Wallace problem being discussed by MI5 officers.

Ponting said that they were not questioning what Wallace was saying, they were saying that was accepted as being the truth, they were concerned thast the story is being contained at present because Wallace is in jail but in a few years, he will be out and he could start making fresh allegations which could prove a serious problem.

 

In the same programme, Colin Wallace’s notes he had made on ‘Clockwork Orange’ policy that had been thought faked by the Hughes Inquiry were submitted to experts who said they were genuine and had been written at the time Colin had said they were in the mid 1970s.

 

Meanwhile other stories were breaking in the news in April 1987 The Sunday Times published an article telling of the quarrels between MI6 and MI5 and how MI5 were saying that the former head of MI6, who died in 1981, Maurice Oldfeild was attracted to young males and being blackmailed as a result. 

 

The Oldfield story seems to have some relevance here. Oldfield was the former head of MI6 and was appointed by Thatcher in 1979 to oversee intelligence in NI, because there were so many intelligence chiefs in NI, they were getting in each other’s way, Oldfield was called out of retirement to streamline operations in NI.

 

While in NI, MI5 (to their delight) discovered that Oldfield was gay and have engaged in casual gay sex throughout his career usually with acquaintances such as restaurant waiters. Oldfield was thus a security risk and this lead to rumours of his being a Soviet spy as he had close links to others caught spying. 

Oldfield’s security clearance was withdrawn. 

Stories appeared in the press about Oldfield a mixture of truth and lies put out probably by MI5 who could not have been happy about an exMI6 man (Oldfield) being put in charge of operations in NI and would have been happy to find some ‘dirt’ on him to exploit.

 

Many of those in MI5 would have had suspicions over Oldfield,  he had exposed MI5 inspired plots against Harold Wilson’s Labour party in the 1970s, and as a result, they believed both Labour and Oldfield were pro-Soviet. 

 

 

Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) in 2014, rather than include Northern Ireland in IICSA, the British state set up a separate inquiry there, the inquiry into Historical Institutional Abuse in Northern Ireland between 1922 and 1995 (HIA), aka The Hart Inquiry.

while the mainland UK inquiry has the power to compel testimony under oath, the Northern Ireland version did not so from the start it was clear that the Hart Inquiry was going to be another Kincora whitewash

The Hart Inquiry was to be the equivalent of the Independent inquiry into Child sexual abuse (IICSA) for NI. Hart Inquiry was to be described as a

mistake riddled mess that even managed to contradict itself on purely factual matters.

 

The Hart inquiry had the notes that Wallace had made about Kincora and the letter he sent in September 1975 but the Hart inquiry did not pay them much attention. 

The Inquiry acknowledged that Army Intelligence files relating to TARA, McGrath and Kincora had gone missing after the army handed them to MI5 in 1989.

There was also no record of the ‘Clockwork Orange’ files that Colin Wallace handed back to the MI5 agent Shaw when he left the NI Army HQ in February 1975. So convenient for thus in MI5 trying to keep secret what had gone on at Kincora and beyond. All the Security Service files having gone missing. 

During the Hart Inquiry it came out in transcripts examined by Hart that the MI5 officer that falsely accused Colin Wallace of misconduct was called Ian Cameron and he was the same officer that refused to be interviewed by the Terry Inquiry cover-up into abuse at Kincora.

 

The Hart inquiry concluded that the abuse was limited to the actions of staff members and did not take place with the collusion of state or intelligence services.

This view was said to be a total travesty by those involved. Colin Wallace said that it was not credible that the Intelligence community were fully aware of the abuse. Wallace said he had found out about the abuse by chance so MI5 would have known as afterwards when the Army wanted to discredit McGrath, they gave Colin evidence to leak to the media.

 

The general opinion is that Hart was naïve rather than dishonest and Hart himself could not believe the evil that was being done at Kincora and elsewhere. (The Report is available to read online)

 

Brian Gemmell the former intelligence officer, whose name came up in the Hart Inquiry, came forward when the Inquiry had finished and  told how he had been ordered to stop investigating allegations of abuse at Kincora by MI5 officer Ian Cameron. Gemmell had learnt about the paedophile activity when gathering information on protestant paramilitaries. He said that he had spoken out anonymously before, but nothing had happened.

 

 

There are many sources that alleged that high ranking Whitehall Civil servants and senior officers of the British military were involved in the sexual abuse of boys in Kincora. For example, I was watching a lecture (on Youtube) by Andrew Lownie the Cambridge professor that had written a book on Lord Louis Mountbatten and he looked visibly shocked when he was answering questions on the book and said that he found credible evidence that boys were shipped from Kincora to Lord Mountbatten’s Irish home. 

Lownie continued that there had been a history of Mountbatten using rent boys going back to the 1940s, the information being in the files of the Security Services which he said he had been using, after the book was published and it was discovered that the files used were open for public viewing, they were made secret for another 50 years. Andrew Lownie had requested the FBI files on Mountbatten, but he said that these were destroyed on his request!  

 

Ken Livingstone was using the Kincora case to attack the Conservative government in Parliament. On 8 March 1988, he asked Margaret Thatcher the PM about Maurice Oldfield losing his positive vetting, he asked her why Mr Peter England in the Northern Ireland Office and Mr J.L.Imrie an assistant secretary at the NI office had not had their positive vetting removed after being suspected of buggery at Kincora children’s home in NI, they had been named in newspapers but had taken no action against the stories suggesting that they were true, however Mr Imrie continued to work for the government in the Ministry of Defence.

Livingstone was asking for a genuinely independent enquiry into Kincora irrespective of the damage it may do to MI5 when its role was exposed.

It was left to individual MPs to ask questions about Clockwork Orange and Kincora, mps such as Dale Campbell-Savours and Tam Dayell. The Parliamentary Labour Party who were the official opposition to the Conservative Party and whose job was to consider and ask such questions were nowhere to be seen until Livingstone started to cause a fuss.

 

Paul Foot published his book ‘Who framed Colin Wallace’ during May 1989 which started debate about the actions of MI5 in NI during the 1970s and that Colin Wallace had been framed by MI5 for the murder of his friend.

The Ministry of Defence were still insisting that Colin Wallace did not have a secret job description allowing him to spread black propaganda in NI during his time there and that he was just an information officer. 

However, The Ministry of Defence were now saying that Colin had ‘many duties’. It was suggested to the MoD that these duties included responsilbities for providing unattributable covert briefings to the press (such as what Colin had been forced to resign for), The MoD did not respond. 

Ken Livinginstone pressed the Ministry of Defence speaking in the House of Commons demanding a full inquiry into the allegations in Foot’s book and suggesting that if Colin had lost his job for giving away classified information, why had not Airey Neave (assassinated by the IRA in 1979) been punished for giving away top secret information that he had obtained from Colin when giving his political speeches outside of Parliament? 

Livingstone was saying that there was one law for a Tory grandee and another for a civil servant when they had been supposedly committing the same offence (breaking Official secrets?). The suggestion that Airey Neave had committed a treasonable offence caused such an uproar in the House of Commons that Livingstone did not receive an answer.

 

Labour’s front bench spokesperson on NI, Kevin McNamara demanded a fresh full inquiry into Kincora, he said that several attempts accusing Colin of forging his papers had been proved false.

Colin’s papers proved that he had informed his superiors that there was child abuse being ignored. And suggestions that there was corruption at a senior level in government that allowed the security services at a high level to ignore the paedophile abuse for six years until the story leaked out in the press. 

 

It was suggested that the Security Services were using the Boys Homes in NI to act like a magnet for paedophiles and once people had been caught attending the homes, the Security Services had leverage on them and could ‘milk’ them for information.

The speculation continued until the Ministry of Defence conceded in a 1990 written statement that they would like to correct some errors in their previous statements about Colin Wallace which had come to notice because of re-examination of Departmental papers.

They said that they had found references to ‘Clockwork Orange’ dating back to 1975 and it seems that Colin Wallace was involved in the Clockwork orange project. 

It was admitted that Colin’s job specification:

proposed that his duties should include responsibilities for providing unattributable covert briefings to the press ; and it was stated that he would be required to make on-the-spot decisions on matters of national security during such interviews. It seems that, in the event, the arguments for including these responsibilities in Mr Wallace's job description were made orally rather than in writing to those who approved the establishment of the SIO post.

 

It was also admitted that members of the Security Service (MI5) had manipulated the disciplinary proceedings taken against Wallace. In the light of the Inquiry's findings, Wallace was awarded compensation by the Government.

 

It was an extraordinary admission, extraordinary that the MoD were owning up. It seemed that there had been an almighty row in the Ministry and it was realised that if there was to be a full and independent inquiry (which was increasingly likely), they would be found out. So perhaps better to drip feed the truth beforehand.

The public were now being told that Colin Wallace who had been described by the MoD, the police and the media as a fantasist was now to have been proved to be telling the truth while the Authorities had lied! There had been a secret job for him at Lisburn barracks which dealt in disinformation. There had been a ‘Clockwork Orange’ project. 

At least four junior ministers, a Secretary of State and a Prime Minister over the past six years had told Parliament that none of these things were true and MPs, the press and public had been given false information. 

Other questions were now asked. For example, was it true that Colin had been sacked (forced to resign) from his job in 1975 because he had refused to work on Clockwork Orange and demanded action be taken against the paedophile activity at Kincora? Former colleagues of Colin’s now came forward to support Colin’s allegations.

 

Tom King the Minister for Defence called an inquiry to investigate the narrow question regarding the circumstances of Colin’s dismissal from the army and to ascertain if an injustice had been done to Colin Wallace. The inquiry was to be conducted by David Calcutt QC who had proved satisfactory to the government in previous inquiries. King was confident that Calcutt would find for the government point of view.

However, Calcutt proved that he was independent and ruled that Colin had worked as a PSYOPS officer and had been forced out of his job as a result of fraud when a false job description designed to conceal his covert role in psychological warfare was used against him. He ruled that MI5 had manipulated the disciplinary proceedings taken against Colin. He awarded £30,000 compensation to Colin.(imo not enough for what he went through).

Jim Nicol who was Colin’s solicitor, referred the findings to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner to prosecute the MI5 officers. The police referred the matter to the DPP (Director of Public Prosecutions) for guidance. The DPP concluded that it would not be in the public interest for the police to pursue the matter.

 

Colin Wallace’s manslaughter conviction was quashed in 1996, during the appeal hearing the Home Office pathologist Dr Ian West, who carried out two autopsies on Jonathan Lewis’s body, admitted that some of the evidence that he had used at Colin Wallace’s trial had been supplied to him by an FBI agent. The agent supplied him with false information about specialised killer punches used by those trained to kill in unarmed combat.(The FBI agent clearly having links with MI5).

Dr West had originally said that there was no foul play involved but three days later saying it was murder, it seemed that someone had changed his mind. Colin Wallace did not take any further action against the pathologist (a very experienced and highly thought of pathologist) as he was a dying man. 

 

A Special Branch officer later came forward to say that Wallace was framed by corrupt members of MI5 to discredit him along with false witnesses who later turned out to have links with the security services. He thought that Sussex Police were not involved other than Senior officers  who were basically advised not to get involved.

 

Jonathan Lewis’s death remains an unsolved murder.

 

There were other matters that Colin Wallace was involved with but in an attempt to keep some focus, I will keep the podcasts to the paedophile ring and Clockwork orange’s main purpose on getting information on politicians and other people  that may prove useful to the Intelligence services. 

 

The huge Child abuse inquiry (IICSA), (The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse) is the latest inquiry that has been rumbling on for some years and was supposed to be probing allegations of the existence of a VIP child abuse ring that was centred on Westminster produced an underwhelming report in 2020 confirming what had always been known that Sir Peter Hayman (Head of MI6) was a paedophile (protected from prosecution by Sir Michael Havers the Attorney General). The inquiry had taken so long and had been damaged by the Carl Beech false allegations that the public did not seem that concerned about VIP abuse anymore. 

Unfortunately, the IICSA did not clarify if Hayman had served as Deputy Chief of MI6 under Oldfield.

It seems that the IICSA inquiry was a device just to give the illusion of trying to get to the root of the problem but was just playing for time. It failed to grasp the importance of the Security Service’s role in protecting and exploiting paedophile networks. Playing for time is often the best option when trying to bury a difficult story.

The IICSA will not examine the paedophile networks in NI, thus Kincora, as they are focussing on England and Wales, although there must be some overlap into Scotland and NI.

It is suggested that the Security Services wanted to exert control over politicians who they had the ability to expose and thus destroy. During Clockwork Orange, known targets included:

Ted Heath, Sir William Van Straubenzee, Sir Peter Morrison, Sir Cyril Smith, James Molyneaux, Sir Knox Cunningham amongst many others.

 

As there is no written constitution in the UK and the UK is a very secret society when compared to other Western democracies, there are ways and means to cover scandal. If the UK was like the USA there would be Congressional Committees with budgets and subpoena powers to search out the truth. There was nothing done to investigate Colin Wallace’s claims about attempts to destabilise the UK government through Clockwork Orange and allow paedophile abuse to continue to obtain intelligence.

 

Homosexuality wasn’t decriminalised in Northern Ireland until 1982 and one of the chief sources of information for the security services came from homosexuals being blackmailed. It was often the easiest way to gather intelligence on extreme protestant groups.

 

Regarding Wallace, the British state had a problem with how to get rid of him after he protested the Security Services methods. As they had denied that a PSYOPS unit existed in NI, they could not prosecute Colin Wallace for a breach of the Official Secrets Act as the Authorities were saying that he was making the story up. 

To get at Wallace they had to discredit him, spread untrue stories about him, accuse him of being a fantasist, a Walter Mitty character. There were some more extraordinary stories that I could have told but in the interests of time, I had to leave them out. 

Colin Wallace was an unusual character, like a unicorn, as he was a willing informant from inside the British Security Services. Journalists thought he must be a plant, spinning a story. They seemed to have a problem accepting that he was just telling it the way it was.

Then Colin Wallace was framed for murder and imprisoned. Did the Security Services kill an innocent man in order to frame Colin Wallace? There were those working for the Security Services that would have no qualms in carrying out such a killing. It could be argued why not just take out Colin Wallace. The problem here being if Wallace was killed in suspicious circumstances, it would add credence to his claims.

In NI, the shoot to kill policy often sorted out problem people for the Authorities. For the extremist political groups in NI, killings were seen as a normal way to solve a tricky problem.

 

Kincora was a difficult situation to understand, it was complicated by a secret paedophile sex ring, black propaganda, blackmail, murders and the backdrop of NI in the 1970s.